Atlanta Compromise
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The Atlanta Compromise was a proposal made in 1895 by African American leader Booker T. Washington, who suggested that Southern blacks should accept segregation and refrain from campaigning for equal rights (including the right to vote), and – in exchange – they would have jobs, be permitted to own property, and receive free basic education and vocational training.
Other black leaders, including W. E. B. Du Bois – co-founder of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) – disagreed with the goals of the Atlanta Compromise, and instead campaigned for equal rights and the end of segregation. From 1903 until Washington's death in 1915, Du Bois and Washington conducted a protracted public debate on the merits of the Compromise.
The Compromise was the dominant policy pursued by black leaders in the South from 1895 to 1915. Ultimately, it did not end segregation, nor produce equal rights for Southern blacks – those goals were not achieved until the civil rights movement of the 1960s.
Background
[edit]Slavery was brought to an end in the United States during and after the Civil War, first with the Emancipation Proclamation, and then the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery.[1][2][a] During the Reconstruction Era (from about 1865 until 1877) many progressive reforms were enacted in the South, which dismantled legal segregation, and gave blacks opportunities to vote and hold public office.[3]
Starting around 1877, progress made during the Reconstruction Era began to be reversed by Southern states, as white Southerners gained more political power at both the state and federal level.[4] From 1877 to 1908, the states steadily enacted laws preventing blacks from voting or holding political office.[3][5][4]
Washington was a witness to that period of history, as he was born into slavery in 1856 in West Virginia. Washington became president of the newly-formed Tuskegee Institute in 1881.[6] According to historian Louis R. Harlan, Washington concluded that "the Reconstruction experiment in racial democracy failed because it began at the wrong end, emphasizing political means and civil rights acts rather than economic means and self-determination."[7][8] Hence, Washington's approach to improving the lives of Southern blacks was to concentrate on building the economic infrastructure of the black community.
African American leader Frederick Douglass died in February 1895, leaving a power vacuum that Washington stepped into.[9] One of Washington's first major acts after Douglass' death was the Atlanta Compromise speech.[9] Until his death in 1915, Washington and his allies – collectively known as the "Tuskegee Machine" – dominated the African American press, political appointments, and relations with white philanthropists.[10]
The Compromise
[edit]Washington's 1895 speech
[edit]
The Atlanta Compromise originated in a speech delivered by Washington to the Cotton States and International Exposition in Atlanta, Georgia, on September 18, 1895.[4][b] The exposition was conceived in early 1895, when Washington and white business leaders from Georgia made a presentation to a committee of the US Congress, asking for support to host an exposition in Georgia.[4] The white members of the delegation were impressed with Washington's address to the committee, and invited him to speak at the exposition when it was held later that year.[11][4]
The master of ceremonies of the Cotton Exposition was former governor of Georgia Rufus Bullock, who introduced Washington by saying: "We have with us today a representative of Negro enterprise and Negro civilization."[12] The address was delivered to a segregated audience of blacks and whites, and was delivered in less than ten minutes.[13][14][15][16][4]
Washington summarized his proposal near the end of the address:
"The wisest among my race understand that the agitation of questions of social equality is the extremest folly, and that progress in the enjoyment of all the privileges that will come to us must be the result of severe and constant struggle rather than of artificial forcing, No race that has anything to contribute to the markets of the world is long in any degree ostracized. It is important and right that all privileges of the law be ours, but it is vastly more important that we be prepared for the exercise of these privileges. The opportunity to earn a dollar in a factory just now is worth infinitely more than the opportunity to spend a dollar in an opera-house."[17]
Upon the conclusion of the speech, the whites in the audience gave Washington a standing ovation.[11][c] Clark Howell, editor of the Atlanta Constitution, stood on the stage and proclaimed the speech to be “the beginning of a moral revolution in America.”[11] Washington was congratulated by many white leaders present in the audience, including former governor Bullock.[19] The text of the speech was distributed to most major US newspapers via telegraph.[11] A few days after the speech, Washington received a letter of congratulations from president Grover Cleveland.[20]
Elements of the Compromise
[edit]
The Atlanta Compromise was Washington's solution to what was then called "The Negro problem": the dismal economic and social and conditions of blacks, and the tense relationship between black and whites in the post-Reconstruction South.[11]
The essence of the Compromise was a bargain: blacks would remain peaceful, tolerate segregation, refrain from demanding equal rights, refrain from holding political office, avoid college education, and provide a dependable workforce for Southern industry and agriculture; and in exchange, whites would provide job opportunities, permit blacks to own property and homes, build schools for children, and create vocational institutes to give blacks the skills needed in the Southern economy.[11][16][13][14][15][4][d]
Washington's speech appealed to the white businessmen in the audience because it promised them a cooperative, peaceful, reliable workforce; particularly in the areas of industry, agriculture, business, and housekeeping.[11]
Addressing blacks, Washington encouraged them to focus on manual labor, and accept it as their fate for the near future: "No race can prosper till it learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in writing a poem. It is at the bottom of life we must begin and not the top."[9] Washington also urged Southern blacks to remain in their home states, and avoid the temptation to move to Northern states; he emphasized that by repeatedly speaking the phrase "Cast down your bucket where you are."[21][4][22][23]

The Compromise perpetuated the racial segregation that was already enforced in Southern schools and universities.[4] In addition, the Compromise discouraged the construction of new universities for Southern blacks, and instead emphasized construction or expansion of vocational schools (such as Tuskegee Institute and Hampton Institute) to produce nurses, teamsters, farmers, housekeepers, factory workers, repairmen, teachers, cooks, and other careers that would support Southern agriculture and industry.[16][e]
The Compromise counted on white philanthropists to fund new schools for blacks.[25][4] Washington's speech specifically applauded the Northern philanthropists who had provided funding for black schools during the Reconstruction era: "... the constant help that has come to our educational life not only from the Southern States, but especially from Northern philanthropists who have made their gifts a constant stream of blessing and encouragement."[17][f]
The Atlanta Compromise rejected any notion of integration in transportation, education, recreation, or social life; and made it clear that whites would only have to associate with blacks when required for work or commerce. Washington employed a simile to describe his acceptance of segregation: "In all things that are purely social we can be as separate as the fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual progress."[11][26][4]
Washington did not entirely reject civil rights and racial equality, but he viewed them as long-term results that would be obtained only after blacks had demonstrated their worth through loyal, dedicated work within the Southern economy.[9][23]
Origin of the name
[edit]At the time Washington made his speech, the principles contained in his proposal were sometimes referred to as "accommodationism." The phrase "Atlanta Compromise" was not coined until eight years after the address, by Du Bois in his 1903 essay "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others" published in his book The Souls of Black Folk.[27][g]
Reception by other African American leaders
[edit]
After Washington proposed the Atlanta Compromise in 1894, he emerged as the preeminent leader of the African American community.[10] Many of Washington's associates supported the Compromise, including Robert Moton, who later would become leader of the Tuskegee Institute upon Washington's death.[28] But other African American leaders disagreed with the Compromise, including members of the American Negro Academy, which in the late 1890s raised objections to the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson Supreme Court case that legalized segregation under the "separate but equal" doctrine.[29]
Around 1900, other leaders within the black community began voicing opposition to the Atlanta Compromise, challenging racist government policies and advocating for equality for their people.[30] Opponents included northern intellectual W. E. B. Du Bois, then a professor at Atlanta University, William Calvin Chase, and William Monroe Trotter, a Boston activist who in 1901 founded the Boston Guardian newspaper as a platform for radical activism.[31][32][33] Trotter lived in New England, and in 1899 he observed that conditions in the South were growing worse, and that Southern-style racism was creeping into the Northern states.[34]
In 1902 and 1903 black advocates for equal rights fought to gain a larger voice in the conventions of the National Afro-American Council, but they were marginalized because the conventions were dominated by Washington supporters (also known as Bookerites).[35] In July 1903, Trotter orchestrated a confrontation with Washington in Boston, a stronghold of activism, that resulted in a minor melee and the arrest of Trotter and others; the event garnered national headlines.[36]
Criticisms from W. E. B. Du Bois
[edit]Harvard-educated W. E. B. Du Bois was born and raised in New England, and was twelve years younger than Washington. Where Washington was representative of rural, Southern blacks, Du Bois was representative of urban, educated, Northern blacks.[37][38] Northern blacks had relatively more freedom than those in the South, and were more willing to fight for equal rights; in addition, some of them felt the Atlanta Compromise was effectively imposed on blacks by Southern whites.[37][38][h]
Although Du Bois initially supported the Atlanta Compromise,[39][40] over time he came to strongly disagree with the Washington's approach.[41][4] The rift between the two men began to develop in 1898 when Washington resigned from an institute governed by a friend of Du Bois.[42] In 1900, Du Bois proposed the creation of a national organization of black businessmen, but Washington quickly plagiarized the idea and created the National Negro Business League.[43] In 1901, Du Bois wrote a review of Washington's autobiography Up From Slavery which contained a negative assessment of the Atlanta Compromise.[44][45][i]
In 1903 Du Bois harshly criticized the Atlanta Compromise in his influential book, The Souls of Black Folk, which included the statement: "Mr. Washington represents in Negro thought the old attitude of adjustment and submission... [His] programme practically accepts the alleged inferiority of the Negro races."[44][46] The same year, Du Bois criticized the Atlanta Compromise's plan to build vocational job-training schools instead of universities, writing: "[the] object of all true education is not to make men carpenters; it is to make carpenters men."[23][47]
In 1904, Du Bois and Washington – each accompanied by a team of supporters – met in New York, in an attempt to defuse tensions between the two factions.[48] The summit was not successful: although they agreed to create a "Committee of Twelve" to coordinate future efforts, the committee fell apart within a year.[49][j] In early 1905, Du Bois wrote an article in The Voice of the Negro periodical, which asserted that Washington was effectively bribing the African American press to provide positive reporting on Washington's programs.[51][52] Washington and his allies disputed Do Bois' allegations.[51]
Historian Mark Bauerlein concluded that 1905 marked the end of any collaboration between the two leaders, writing: "[From Du Bois' perspective] Washington controlled the black press, bought loyalty, planted spies, ostracized critics, and co-opted reform movements and let them die. His accommodation of whites had become too obsequious, but more important, his black power had become oppressive."[53]
In 1905, Trotter, Du Bois, and other advocates for full and equal rights formed the Niagra Movement to channel their efforts. Their "Declaration of Principles" emphatically rejected the Atalanta Compromise, and urged African Americans to fight for civil rights.[54][55][56] Although the Niagra Movement dissolved after two years, it served as the forerunner to the NAACP, which was formed in 1909 by Du Bois and others.[57] Several of the co-founders of the NAACP were liberal whites, who were beginning to realize that the Atlanta Compromise was not going to provide civil rights or full equality for African Americans.[58] After the founding of the NAACP, the schism between Washington's Atlanta Compromise, and Du Bois' advocacy for full equality became pronounced and public.[58]
Aftermath and results
[edit]
The Atlanta Compromise failed to achieve its long-term goals of ending segregation or providing equal rights for blacks: Black Southerners upheld their end of the bargain by tolerating segregation, and by accepting prohibitions against voting or holding public office; but those sacrifices did not lead white Southerners to gradually provide blacks with equal rights.[59][60][59][k]
After Washington introduced the Atlanta Compromise in his 1895 speech, Southern states continued to aggressively adopt Jim Crow laws which formalized segregation in nearly all walks of life.[60] Southern states prevented blacks from voting through constitutional amendments and other laws which raised barriers to voter registration, primarily through poll taxes, residency and record-keeping requirements, subjective literacy tests and other devices.[5]
Violence against blacks continued after the Atlanta Compromise was established: over fifty blacks were lynched in most years until 1922, and lynchings continued into the 1940s.[61][62] Race riots in dozens of cities spanned several decades, killing hundreds of blacks,[62] including Atlanta (1906), Illinois (1908), East St. Louis (1917), the Red Summer (1919), and Tulsa (1921).[63] The 1906 massacre in Atlanta was notable because Washington's speech was presented there only eleven years earlier; Du Bois believed that the Massacre was partially the result of the Atlanta Compromise.[64][l]
Washington, in his 1895 speech, urged Southern African Americans to remain in their home states, and find prosperity by working within the local economy.[4][21][22][m] But, starting around 1910, millions of African Americans began to move northward, many to major cities like New York, Detroit, Chicago, and Washington D.C.[66][67] In 1917, black leaders from the Tuskegee Institute pleaded with Southern blacks to remain in the south, leading Du Bois to respond "any ... Negro leadership today that devotes ten times as much space [in their report] to the advantages of living in the South as it gives to lynching and lawlessness is inexcusably blind."[22][n]
After Washington's death in 1915, his Tuskegee Machine collapsed, and organized support for the Atlanta Compromise faded.[68][69] In the following decades, campaigns to end segregation and achieve equal rights gained momentum, finally achieving success during the civil rights movement with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Civil Rights Act of 1968.[70]
References
[edit]Footnotes
[edit]- ^ In addition to the Thirteenth Amendment, the Fourteenth Amendment and Fifteenth Amendment were part of set of federal actions that brought about the end of slavery.
- ^ The exposition is sometimes referred to as the "Atlanta Exposition."
- ^ The Atlanta Constitution newspaper later wrote: "...tears ran down the face of many blacks in the audience. White Southern women pulled flowers from the bosoms of their dresses and rained them on the black man on stage."[18]
- ^ The Atlanta Compromise was informal and unwritten. Washington published the transcript of the his speech, but there was no subsequent written agreement or contract.
- ^ In a 1930 speech, Du Bois discussed his thoughts on the Atlanta Compromise's approach to schooling.[24]
- ^ In the decades following the speech, many philanthropists would provide funding for black schools, notably Andrew Carnegie and Julius Rosenwald.[25]
- ^ Du Bois wrote: "This group of men honor Mr. Washington for his attitude of conciliation toward the white South; they accept the 'Atlanta Compromise' in its broadest interpretation; they recognize, with him, many signs of promise..."[27]
- ^ Historian Jack Pole wrote of the two men: "... the claim that DuBois challenged was that of leadership for the Negroes throughout the United States. To judge all aspects of the Negro situation from the Southern angle of vision, and to advocate the policy of accommodation, which may have been the code of survival in the South, as the highest aim of the blacks as a whole, was to cripple Negro claims to advancement precisely where they could be most ambitious and effective. New York State actually passed an anti-discrimination law in I890 at a time when Southern states were passing segregation laws. It is not to be wondered at that Northern blacks who had fought to establish their own position should have murmured against being ' led ', and authoritatively spoken for, by a Southern accommodationist imposed on them primarily by Southern whites."[37]
- ^ Du Bois wrote of Washington: "Among the Negroes, Mr. Washington is still far from a popular leader. Educated and thoughtful Negroes everywhere are glad to honor him and aid him, but all cannot agree with him. He represents in Negro thought the old attitude of adjustment to environment, emphasizing the economic phase; but the two other strong currents of feeling, descended from the past, still oppose him... While these men respect the Hampton-Tuskegee idea [that is, the Atlanta Compromise] to a degree, they believe it falls far short of a complete programme. They believe, therefore, also in the higher education of Fisk and Atlanta Universities; they believe in self-assertion and ambition; and they believe in the right of suffrage for blacks on the same terms with whites."[45]
- ^ Du Bois documented his disappointment in an essay titled "The Parting of Ways."[50]
- ^ Although the Atlanta Compromise failed to achieve long term goals, such as the end of segregation, it did accomplish some short-term goals, such as building a large number of schools for children and vocational schools for adults.[4][25]
- ^ Scottish essayist William Archer wrote: "At best, indeed, the Southern kindliness of feeling towards the individual Negro subsisted only so long as he 'knew his place' and kept it; and the very process of education and elevation on which Mr. Washington relies renders the Negro ever less willing to keep the place the Southern white man assigned him. In the North, too, while the dislike of the individual has greatly increased, the theoretic fondness for the race has very perceptibly cooled. Altogether, the tendency of events since 1895 has not been at all in the direction of the Atlanta Compromise. The Atlanta riot of eleven years later was a grimly ironic comment on Mr. Washington's speech." [65]
- ^ In his 1895 speech, Washington repeatedly spoke the phrase "Cast down your bucket where you are", suggesting that African Americans should stay in their hometowns and find work there.[21]
- ^ The document asking blacks to remain in the South was the 1917 report from the annual Tuskegee Negro Conference.[22]
Citations
[edit]- ^ Jones, Howard (1999). Abraham Lincoln and a New Birth of Freedom: The Union and Slavery in the Diplomacy of the Civil War. University of Nebraska Press. pp. 146–162. ISBN 9780803225824.
- ^ "13th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States". National Museum of African American History & Culture. Retrieved May 8, 2025.
- ^ a b Foner 2025.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n English 2009.
- ^ a b Perman 2001, pp. 1–36, 321–328.
- ^ Gary, Shannon (2008). "Tuskegee University". Encyclopedia of Alabama. Birmingham, AL: Alabama Humanities Foundation. Archived from the original on April 18, 2020.
- ^ Harlan, Louis R. (1988). Smock, Raymond (ed.). Booker T. Washington in Perspective. University Press of Mississippi. p. 164. ISBN 9780878053742.
- ^ Taylor, A. A. (January 1938). "Historians of the Reconstruction". The Journal of Negro History. 23 (1): 16–34. doi:10.2307/2714704. JSTOR 2714704. S2CID 150066533.
- ^ a b c d Aiello 2016, p. 33.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, p. 239.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Alridge 2020.
- ^ Aiello 2016, p. 36,40.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, pp. 36–40.
- ^ a b Lewis 2009, pp. 180–181.
- ^ a b Croce 2001, pp. 1–3.
- ^ a b c Johnston.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, p. 39.
- ^ Bauerlein 2005, p. 107.
- ^ Aiello 2016, p. 40.
- ^ Aiello 2016, p. 41.
- ^ a b c "Booker T. Washington". American Experience. Retrieved May 8, 2025.
- ^ a b c d Aiello 2016, p. 511.
- ^ a b c National Museum.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. 525–528.
- ^ a b c Aiello 2016, p. xviii.
- ^ Aiello 2016, p. 38. Portion of the speech containing the "finger" simile.
- ^ a b Du Bois 1903, p. 54.
- ^ "Robert Moton and the Colored Advisory Commission". PBS. Retrieved May 8, 2025.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. 55, 65–66, 73–76.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. 202–207.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. 70-71. Footnote #11. William Calvin Chase.
- ^ Fox 1970, p. 29-30.
- ^ Lewis, pp. 179–182.
- ^ Fox 1970, p. 27.
- ^ Fox 1970, pp. 38–40.
- ^ Fox 1970, pp. 49–58.
- ^ a b c Pole 1974, pp. 889–890.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, p. xx.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. xvi, 46.
- ^ Harlan 1972, p. 225. "Let me heartily congratulate you upon your phenomenal success at Atlanta – it was a word fitly spoken".
- ^ Bauerlein 2005.
- ^ Aiello 2016, p. xii, xxiii.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. 103–104.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, p. xii.
- ^ a b Du Bois, W. E. B. (July 1901). "The Evolution of Negro Leadership". The Dial. Vol. 31. pp. 53–55. Retrieved May 5, 2025.
- ^ Du Bois 1903, p. 50.
- ^ Du Bois 1903a, p. 63.
- ^ Aiello 2016, p. 201.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. 201, 225–227, 231.
- ^ Du Bois, W. E. B. (April 1904). "The Parting of Ways". World Today. 6: 521–523.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, pp. 259–292.
- ^ Du Bois, W. E. B. (January 1905). "In Account with the Year of Grace Nineteen Hundred and Four: Debit and Credit". The Voice of the Negro. Vol. 2, no. 1. p. 677. Retrieved May 3, 2025 – via Hathi Trust. Although Washington was not mentioned by name, Du Bois wrote "... $3000 of 'hush money' used to subsidize the Negro press in five leading cities."
- ^ Bauerlein 2005, p. 114.
- ^ Fox 1970, pp. 89–90.
- ^ Aiello 2016, pp. 293–340.
- ^ "The Niagara Movement: Declaration of Principles (1905)" (PDF). Retrieved May 3, 2025. Text of the Niagra Movement's Declaration of Principles.
- ^ Aiello 2016, p. 373.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, pp. 373–399.
- ^ a b Aiello 2016, pp. xix–xx.
- ^ a b "Jim Crow Laws and Racial Segregation". VCU Libraries Social Welfare History Project. Virginia Commonwealth University. January 20, 2011. Retrieved May 8, 2025.
- ^ SeguinRigby 2019.
- ^ a b Finkelman, Paul, ed. (2009). "Lynching and Mob Violence". Encyclopedia of African American History, 1896 to the Present: From the Age of Segregation to the Twenty-first Century. Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 220–231. ISBN 9780195167795. Retrieved May 9, 2025.
- ^ Coates, Ta-Nehisi (March 31, 2009). "The Tragedy And Betrayal Of Booker T. Washington". The Atlantic. Coates characterizes the race riots as "the pogroms that greeted Booker T’s compromise."
- ^ Croce 2001, pp. 177–178.
- ^ Archer 1910.
- ^ "The Second Great Migration". The African American Migration Experience. The New York Public Library. 2005. Retrieved May 4, 2025.
- ^ Gregory, James N. (2009). "The Second Great Migration: An Historical Overview". In Trotter Jr., Joe W.; Kusmer, K.L. (eds.). African American Urban History since World War II. Historical Studies of Urban America. University of Chicago Press. p. 22. ISBN 9780226465098. Retrieved May 4, 2025.
- ^ Marable, Manning (1977). "Tuskegee Institute in the 1920's". Negro History Bulletin. 40 (6): 764–768. ISSN 0028-2529. JSTOR 44176406.
- ^ Matthews, Carl S. (1976). "Decline of Tuskegee Machine, 1915-1925-Abdication of Political-Power". South Atlantic Quarterly. 75 (4): 460–469. doi:10.1215/00382876-75-4-460. Retrieved May 8, 2025.
- ^ Wendt, Simon (2009). "Civil Rights Movement". In Finkelman, Paul (ed.). Encyclopedia of African American History, 1896 to the Present: From the Age of Segregation to the Twenty-first Century. Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 411–419. ISBN 9780195167795. Retrieved May 9, 2025.
Sources
[edit]- Aiello, Thomas (2016). The Battle for the Souls of Black Folk: W.E.B. Du Bois, Booker T. Washington, and the Debate That Shaped the Course of Civil Rights. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 9781440843587. LCCN 2016000777.
- Alridge, Derrick (2020). "Atlanta Compromise Speech". New Georgia Encyclopedia. Retrieved May 3, 2025.
- Archer, William (1910). "Four Possibilities: II. The Atlanta Compromise". Through Afro-America: an English reading of the race problem. E. P. Dutton & Co. pp. 208–210. hdl:2027/uc1.31175010654476. OCLC 867981446. Retrieved May 3, 2025.
- Bauerlein, Mark (2005). "Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois: The Origins of a Bitter Intellectual Battle". The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education. 46 (46): 106–114. doi:10.2307/4133693. JSTOR 4133693. Retrieved May 4, 2025.
- Croce, Paul (2001). W. E. B. Du Bois: An Encyclopedia. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-29665-9. Retrieved May 3, 2025.
- Du Bois, W.E.B. (1903). "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others". The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches. A. C. McClurg. pp. 41–59.
- Du Bois, W.E.B. (1903a). "The Talented Tenth". In Washington, Booker T. (ed.). The Negro Problem: A Series of Articles by Representative American Negroes of To-Day. J. Pott. pp. 31–75. LCCN 03023404. Retrieved May 7, 2025.
- English, Bertis (2009). "Atlanta Exposition Address (Atlanta Compromise)". In Finkelman, Paul (ed.). Encyclopedia of African American History, 1896 to the Present: From the Age of Segregation to the Twenty-first Century. Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 106–109. ISBN 9780195167795. Retrieved May 9, 2025.
- Foner, Eric (May 27, 2025). "Reconstruction". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved May 7, 2025.
- Fox, Stephen (1970). The Guardian of Boston: William Monroe Trotter. Atheneum Press. OCLC 21539323. Retrieved May 8, 2025.
- Harlan, Louis (1972). Booker T. Washington: the Making of a Black Leader, 1856–1901. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195015966.
- Harlan, Louis (1983). Booker T. Washington: the Wizard of Tuskegee, 1901–1915. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-503202-4.
- Johnston, Mindy (ed.). "Atlanta Compromise". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved May 3, 2025. Includes full text of Washington's 1895 "Atlanta Compromise" speech.
- Lewis, David (2009). W.E.B. Du Bois: A Biography 1868-1963. Holt Paperbacks. ISBN 978-0805088052. Retrieved May 3, 2025.
- Perman, Michael (2001). Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888-1908. The Fred W. Morrison series in Southern studies. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 9780807849095. Retrieved May 8, 2025.
- Pole, Jack (1974), "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others", The Historical Journal, 17 (4): 883–893, doi:10.1017/S0018246X00007962, JSTOR 2638562, S2CID 159805054.
- Logan, Rayford Whittingham, The Betrayal of the Negro, from Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson, Da Capo Press, 1997, pp. 275–313.
- Seguin, Charles; Rigby, David (2019). "National Crimes: A New National Data Set of Lynchings in the United States, 1883 to 1941". Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World. 5. doi:10.1177/2378023119841780. ISSN 2378-0231. S2CID 164388036. Retrieved May 3, 2025.
- "Booker T. Washington and the 'Atlanta Compromise'". National Museum of African American History & Culture. Retrieved May 7, 2025.
External links
[edit]- "Atlanta Compromise" Full text of Washington's 1895 Atlanta Compromise speech.
- "Booker T. and W. E. B." 1969 poem by poet Dudley Randall about the conflict between Washington and Du Bos.